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OPERATION "GAUDO"
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March 27 ~ 29, 1941
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The BackgroundAlmost all authors who wrote about Matapan gave
quite a bit of attention to the Merano
conference.
The consensus is that, as a result of the discussions held during
the conference, the Gaudo and Matapan operation was conceived to placate
the Germans' pressing demands. Doubtless
there were pressures, not necessarily for an operation of such broad
scope, but more in general to spur the Regia Marina to take on a more
aggressive stance in the eastern Mediterranean basin.
It was in those waters, in fact, that the British convoys which
supplied the British expeditionary force operating in Greece had to
transit. The Italians,
indeed, had already hatched plans to disrupt that traffic long before, but
such a vast operation, so far from home waters, was considered too
hazardous because the enemy had local air superiority, thanks to the
availability of airports in Greece and Crete.
Such plans were, however, dusted off as a result of the Merano
conference. |
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It has also been written that the scheme moved from
the study to the planning phase when some German flyers claimed they had
attacked and torpedoed two British battleships. The claim was later found
to be in error, and Italian high commands were duly notified but, because
of a procedural error, the correct information failed to reach the right
people in time to be of any use. This
version, which is widely known, is peremptorily contradicted by Mattesini,
who provides quite convincing evidence that both Supermarina (the Italian
Navy's High Command) and the Comandante
Superiore in Mare (Task Force Commander), Admiral Eaton, knew that the
Royal Navy still had three operational battleships when there was still
ample time to call off the operation.
The generally accepted hypothesis that the operation had been based
on the notion that the enemy force had been reduced to a single
battleship, therefore, should be viewed with more than a little suspicion.
It should also be noted that, regardless of which version may be
closer to the truth, things would have been little different even if the
two battleships really had been put out of commission.
Cunningham was not the kind who would sit on his hands when the
enemy was at sea as long as he had even a single battleship he could fight
with.
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Another interesting facet of Matapan's preparatory
phase lies in the difficulties faced in ensuring an adequate air cover in
the waters where the ships would be more vulnerable to enemy air
offensive. The Air Force's
inability to fight off British torpedo bombers' attacks, coupled with the
poor results obtained from aerial reconnaissance, were often used by
Iachino and Supermarina as extenuating circumstances for their failings.
But while it is undeniable that such deficiencies, especially the
former one, were glaring, it should also be stated that, with the means
available and the ineffective communications existing between Navy and Air
Force, it would not have been logical to expect anything better. The fundamental problems were, in essence, two.
First, the fact that Air Force and Navy, which had never actually
cooperated in peacetime, were now totally unprepared to do so at war: the
illusions of anyone who may have thought differently had been dashed at
Punta Stilo. Second, the
aircraft available in Aegean bases, few in numbers and obsolete in type,
made a pressing argument against the idea of placing most of the onus of
protecting the fleet on them. It
is surprising that nobody thought about providing more modern and
effective aircraft to the air wings entrusted with this most difficult
task. Apparently, and this seems truly incredible, the Air Force
leadership had not been informed of the operation's importance and scope.
Thus, ironically, the Regia Marina, which - as we shall see – had
been unable to prevent the enemy from guessing its intentions, did in fact
succeed in keeping its sister service in the dark. |
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Another bone of contention among those who studied the battle was the importance of Ultra, the British information service that succeeded in breaking encrypted messages transmitted through the German "Enigma" apparatus. Before discussing this subject, some clarification is called for. First of all, the version that Enigma was used only by German commands, which thus were unwittingly responsible for the leaks, is false: Italians used it too. Second, Ultra was not generally able to read messages in real time: using the rudimentary processors available to the Blechley Park specialists, "translating" the messages took quite some time, even days, and this was compounded by the frequent change in the codes used. The cryptographers' skill, therefore, stemmed from their ability not only to read the text of the message, but also to decide which messages warranted top priority, because not all of them could be decrypted. Essentially, although some of the information available to Cunningham came from Ultra, guessing the Axis' intentions would not have been an overwhelming task even without it. The increase in the volume of radio traffic and the location of the Commands that produced most of it provided the initial indications and warnings: little more was needed to determine the objective of the operation. When the ships left their homeports, the enemy was
certainly not surprised. However,
there were many details that Cunningham still did not know, such as the
composition of the Italian force, the area where it was to deploy, its
course, etcetera. But if the
target was the supply traffic
headed for Greece, many of the unknowns could be inferred with fairly
close approximation. Hence,
the Britons' first move was to stop that traffic.
Later, when a reconnaissance plane signaled that Trento-class heavy
cruisers were at sea, the British saw their suspicions confirmed while the
Italians saw their hopes of achieving complete surprise vanish hopelessly. |
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It was roughly at this time that the Chief of Staff of the Navy, Admiral Riccardi, spoke with his Operations Officer, Admiral Campioni, to decide whether the operation should be continued. Lately, there had been no indications of British traffic towards Greece, but perhaps not much importance was attached to this fact, or it was ascribed to deficient reconnaissance. Still, although the main Italian force had not been discovered yet, the enemy must have known that at least a cruiser squadron was underway. In hindsight, there was ample cause to cancel, or at least postpone, the operation. Why was this not done? According to the most widely accepted version, the factors that influenced the decision were multifold. Canceling the operation would have had negative repercussions on crew morale, since the ships had gotten underway several times before only to return to port without accomplishing anything. Surprise, while not total, could at least be partial, as the battleship had not yet been spotted. Lastly, the operation had been conceived in part as a show of earnestness for the Germans, so its cancellation would have proven that the accusations of timidity and inefficiency implicitly moved against the Regia Marina by the German allies were well founded. Assuming that the two Admirals really did exchange these views, one can say, again with hindsight, that none of these arguments justifies the decision they reached: the first two are invalid, the third one irrelevant. Campioni and Riccardi were responsible for the effective use of the fleet as an instrument of war, and they would be held accountable first and foremost to the Italian nation. Since both the target and surprise, considered an essential prerequisite, had been eliminated, the military value of the operation would - at best - be left to luck. Hoping to make a good impression on the Germans without accomplishing anything was altogether inconceivable. Yet the fact is that the order to return to base, which the Commanding Officer of the cruiser Bolzano, Captain Maugeri, expected any minute after the reconnaissance plane was sighted, was never issued, and the ships kept on steaming, undisturbed, on a south-easterly course. The date: March 27th, 1941. |
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